SUMMARY

 

The results of the nomination and registration of candidates and party lists for the regional and local elections scheduled for 14 September 2025 show that the trend of recent years continues: political competition is shrinking, and the number of actual players (election participants) is decreasing. In elections to representative bodies of power, all the main competition takes place between parliamentary parties; in rare cases, other parties that have local privileges for candidate registration also take part. Parties that do not have privileges for candidate registration have almost ceased nominating their representatives, as the chances of being registered via voter signatures have become extremely low. A very difficult situation is developing with the registration of independent candidates. In effect, one can say that registration by signatures has become almost impossible (that is, possible only for genuinely administrative candidates).

In the gubernatorial elections, there were attempts by candidates not coordinated with the administrations to participate in the elections only in isolated cases (the Republic of Komi, Kamchatka Krai, Irkutsk Oblast); of these, only in Irkutsk Oblast was such a candidate (former governor Sergei Levchenko) registered. As can be assumed, Levchenko was registered only thanks to federal connections and federal support. In most regions, only 4–5 pre-coordinated candidates were initially nominated, and these same candidates were registered. Candidates not coordinated with the administrations usually did not even try to get nominated.

It can be stated that not many regions remain where party branches are capable of conducting an electoral policy independent of local administrations. They have to coordinate not only their lists of candidates and the distribution of electoral districts, but also the course of their election campaign. Genuine uncoordinated competition is predominantly "localised" in nature and concerns regions with the most complexly structured elites and strong protest sentiments. It is shifted more towards elections to representative bodies of power. Most often, competition is "partially coordinated" in nature, when political parties to some extent accommodate the regional authorities regarding the nomination of candidates and the conduct of campaigning, wishing to avoid sanctions and repression for nominating "undesirable" candidates. However, despite their constructive behaviour, parties still remain alien to the administrations, and at the first opportunity the authorities restrict their political and organisational capabilities. These restrictions on the activity of even the loyal opposition are rather "preventive" in nature, in case of an uncontrollable surge of protest voting by the electorate in favour of any opposition representative.

The greatest intensity in election campaigns is generated by intra-elite conflicts, which escalate in the run-up to elections in those regions where sufficient fragmentation still persists. A feature of these conflicts is that elite groupings — unlike civic activists and democratic politicians — possess sufficient financial resources, for example, to ensure the collection of voter signatures for their candidates. Moreover, they have political-administrative influence and connections to caution election commissions against making obviously contentious decisions. However, the "siloviki" can also play a significant role in such conflicts.

Results of the nomination and registration of candidates and party lists for the regional and local elections scheduled for 14 September 2025

 

1 . The situation in the gubernatorial elections

 

In total, 134 candidates were nominated in 20 regions (6.7 per region on average), of whom 95 were registered (4.75 per region on average). At the same time, in 10 regions (half) all nominated candidates were registered. The dropout rate is only 29%, and the bulk of it is accounted for by three regions (Komi, Kamchatka and Perm krais).

This picture is typical for gubernatorial elections in recent years: 4–5 candidates on the ballot is the traditional number. After 2018, the manageability of gubernatorial elections increased significantly, and there has been only one genuinely competitive campaign in 2019–2025, in one region, Khakassia.

A year ago, elections for heads of regions were held in 21 regions. Then, 147 candidates were nominated, or 7.0 candidates per region. In reality, however, activity was lower, since formally the largest number of candidates were nominated in St Petersburg — 22, of whom 13 were self-nominees, which distorted the overall statistics.

In the 2020 elections (these are, for the most part, the same regions as in 2025), 146 candidates were nominated in 18 regions (8.1 per region on average). Initially, 91 candidates were registered (5.05 per region on average). The dropout rate between nominated and registered candidates amounted to 55 (37.6%).

Four cases of parliamentary party candidates being barred from the elections were noted: two each from the CPRF and A Just Russia. CPRF — Oleg Mikhailov in Komi and Larisa Mukhina in Leningrad Oblast. A Just Russia — Vyacheslav Luchnikov in Perm Krai and Vladimir Dudin in the Jewish Autonomous Oblast. At the same time, Dudin did not submit documents for registration at all. The refusal to register Mikhailov and Mukhina looks symbolic: simultaneously, in these regions, candidates from the party Communists of Russia were registered without problems, even though this party obviously has almost no municipal deputies. Luchnikov in Perm Krai is not a publicly known figure, but his active support for the SMO theme in the campaign could potentially pose a threat of taking away part of the vote from the incumbent governor from United Russia, Dmitry Makhonin.

The record for the number of candidates from parliamentary parties who were not allowed to stand in elections was recorded in 2019 and 2020, when six people were not registered.

The procedure for overcoming the municipal filter itself differed little from previous years: the administrative collection of signatures from the maximum number of deputies, which are then distributed among the "needed" candidates. An "undesirable" candidate can almost always be blocked in this process, simply by presenting "paired" signatures for one of the opponents, with an earlier formally affixed date.

In total, of the 39 candidates who dropped out between nomination and registration, the majority either did not submit documents at all, or submitted a deliberately insufficient number of signatures. The only candidate who submitted a sufficient number of signatures but was refused due to "double" signatures is Oleg Mikhailov in the Republic of Komi.

The resolution on the refusal to Mikhailov notes that the minutes of the Conference of the CPRF Regional Branch do not record the fact of a vote on the issue of adopting a decision on his nomination as a candidate for the post of Head of the Republic of Komi (the Conference decision only approved the minutes of the counting commission No. 12 and provided the results of the secret ballot). From point 17 of the certificate on the conduct of the nomination event, submitted by Marina Loginova, a member of the Election Commission of the Republic of Komi, it also follows that after the approval of the counting commission minutes on the results of the secret ballot, no decision was taken on the nomination of the candidate. This fact is also confirmed by a video recording made at the event, from which it follows that the vote only approves the counting commission minutes; no vote on the decision to nominate Oleg Mikhailov as a candidate for the post of Head of the Republic of Komi was held.

Mikhailov submitted documents for the registration of a candidate for the post of Head of the Republic of Komi, including 173 candidate support sheets, including 42 candidate support sheets with signatures of deputies of representative bodies from 15 municipal districts, municipal and city okrugs.

According to the commission, the candidate support sheets are not stitched, not numbered, not certified by the candidate's signature; the list of persons is not stitched; there are incorrectly filled-in lines in the first financial report. Eight signatures of deputies of representative bodies of municipal formations were not counted due to the establishment of the fact that these persons had affixed their signatures in support of another candidate earlier in time (including those who submitted a deliberately insufficient number of signatures, which confirms that these candidates were initially nominated to "block" part of the signatures). As a result, the number of valid signatures is insufficient for the registration of Mikhailov as a candidate for the post of Head of the Republic of Komi.

Oleg Mikhailov's participation in the elections was accompanied by scandal from the outset. On 8 June, when the nomination of candidates for the election of the Head of the Republic of Komi began, Mikhailov was unable to submit documents due to an artificially created queue: 18 completely unknown people suddenly appeared in front of him, allegedly wishing to begin the procedure for nomination for governor. At the same time, Mikhailov was the first to register for the submission of documents. Only after the scandal erupted were Mikhailov's documents accepted in the following days.

On the whole, elections of heads of regions under the municipal filter system are distinguished by a rare degree of over-regulation: "random people" have practically ceased to be nominated, only those pre-coordinated. It is telling that in 10 regions exactly as many candidates were nominated as were registered. Deviations from the main scenario exist only in a few cases: the already noted Republic of Komi (Oleg Mikhailov), Irkutsk Oblast (former governor Sergei Levchenko was registered, as many believe, as an element of complex political bargaining between the federal authorities and the CPRF) and Kamchatka Krai (the cancellation of the nomination of Alexandra Novikova from A Just Russia; as a result, her nomination did not even make it into the statistics).

In his time, in 2015, Sergei Levchenko won the gubernatorial election in Irkutsk Oblast thanks to the fact that, in parallel with his own campaign, a massive campaign was waged in the region against the then acting head of the region, Sergei Eroshchenko, organised by a number of representatives of local business. As a result, after Levchenko's election, a major regional entrepreneur, former secretary of the Irkutsk Regional Branch of the United Russia party and former first deputy governor, Alexander Bitarov, was appointed head of the regional government. This time, there is no such parallel campaign. It was assumed that a problem for Governor Igor Kobzev could be his difficult relations with energy companies, but according to media reports, these have now been publicly resolved. Levchenko's chance can only be some force majeure circumstances that could provoke a rise in protest voting, given Levchenko's almost absolute name recognition in the region.

An interesting case occurred in Kamchatka Krai: the federal leadership of A Just Russia withdrew its consent to the nomination of journalist Alexandra Novikova, who had been elected as a krai deputy from the CPRF. Before this, in May 2025, Novikova switched to the party A Just Russia — For Truth. This was confirmed in an interview with the publication Vedomosti by party leader Sergei Mironov. The decision to admit Novikova to the party was taken at a meeting of the presidium of the central council. Mironov noted her "principled position and desire to solve citizens' problems". In January 2024, Novikova was fined 30,000 roubles for discrediting the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the krai governor for reposting an entry from a Telegram channel that presumably belongs to Ksenia Sobchak. In the video, a person in a balaclava called himself a fighter from Kamchatka and spoke about the allegedly disastrous situation in the regional battalion. Later, the government stated that the man's identity had been established and that he was indeed in the SMO zone. The authorities planned to contact the fighter and clarify the information. After the repost, a protocol was drawn up against the journalist under Part 1 of Article 20.3.3 of the Code of Administrative Offences of the Russian Federation (public actions aimed at discrediting the use of the RF Armed Forces). Novikova herself stated that she considers the case unjust. "The repost was indeed made on my resources, but it has not been proven that I made it — there are several other administrator people. There are no claims against the original source channel — I contacted them. I am the wife of a mobilised man, I was among the first ten women whose husbands were mobilised. I flew with the government to the SMO zone," Novikova told a journalist from AiF-Kamchatka.

"The news [of the cancellation of the approval] caught up with me practically on the doorstep of the election commission, when the full package of documents was ready. My first reaction was incomprehension, rejection, resentment. But the party leaders explained to me that this was the only way to protect me from major trouble," Novikova reported on her Telegram channel and showed copies of the decisions of the presidium of the Central Council dated 17 June (on approval) and 20 June (on the withdrawal of the candidacy).

The CPRF refused to nominate a candidate for the election of the Head of Chuvashia. Publicly, this was explained by the "closeness of positions" of the head of the region, Oleg Nikolaev (a member of A Just Russia), and the communists. In Kostroma Oblast, the CPRF did not nominate the historical leader of the organisation, the well-known Valery Izhitsky, for governor, instead nominating the little-known Sergei Shpotin.

Overall, in 19 out of 20 regions, the incumbent head of the region is nominated by United Russia, and only in Chuvashia is Governor Oleg Nikolaev running for a second term as a self-nominee (he was previously a State Duma deputy from A Just Russia).

The CPRF nominated 19 candidates (17 registered), the LDPR 19 in 18 regions (in Sverdlovsk Oblast, the candidate had to be nominated twice). A Just Russia nominated 17 candidates (15 registered). New People is gradually beginning to participate actively in gubernatorial elections (previously they practically did not nominate candidates for governor); they have seven candidates (see Table 1).

 

Table 1. Results of the nomination and registration of candidates for heads of executive authorities by region in the elections of 14.09.2025

Fedorov Alexei Yurievich, born 1969, homeowners’ association “Murino-1”, chairman of the board, deputy of the Council of Deputies of the municipal formation “Murinskoye Urban Settlement” of Vsevolozhsk Municipal District, “Rodina”

Elective office	Registered	Not registered	Nom. Reg.
Head of the Republic of Komi	Goldstein Rostislav Ernstovich, born 1969, acting Head of the Republic, UR Karginov Sergei Genrikhovich, born 1969, State Duma deputy, LDPR (historically from Vologda) Kasyanenko Alexander Alexandrovich, born 1989, Secondary School No. 40 in Vorkuta, physical education teacher, Communists of Russia Saladina Tatyana Alekseevna, born 1964, deputy of the State Council of Komi, chair of the Regional Branch Council, A Just Russia Solovyov Stepan Gennadyevich, born 1986, individual applying a special tax regime, Moscow, Green Alternative	Registration denied Mikhailov Oleg Alekseevich, born 1987, first secretary of the CPRF republican committee, State Duma deputy (CPRF) Goiman Natalya Efimovna, born 1965, pensioner, self-nomination Gorbunov Vladimir Liverievich, born 1971, individual entrepreneur, Rodina — insufficient number of signatures (169 needed, submitted 51 signatures, of which 22 were signatures of deputies of representative bodies from 8 municipal districts, municipal and city okrugs) Ignatova Svetlana Sergeevna, born 1975, pensioner, self-nomination — submitted documents without deputy signatures Popov Ilya Alekseevich, born 1994, individual entrepreneur, self-nomination — insufficient number of signatures (122 signatures recognised, of which 39 were signatures of deputies of representative bodies from 16 municipal districts, municipal and city okrugs; 1 "double signature" rejected) Sinyavsky Artem Olegovich, born 1990, administration of the municipal district "Syktyvdinsky", engineer-programmer of the organisational and personnel work department, Russian Party of Freedom and Justice — insufficient number of signatures (169 needed, submitted 86 signatures, of which 40 were signatures of deputies of representative bodies from 15 municipal districts, municipal and city okrugs) Did not submit documents for registration Kuznetsova Tatyana Alexandrovna, born 1981, "Republican Centre for Additional Education", methodologist of the regional model centre, self-nomination	Nom. 12 Reg. 5
President of the Republic of Tatarstan	Minnikhanov Rustam Nurgalievich, born 1957, Head of Tatarstan (UR) Mirgalimov Khafiz Gayazovich, born 1954, deputy of the State Council of RT, first secretary of the CPRF republican committee Smirnov Vitaly Nikolaevich, born 1950, pensioner, deputy of the Council of the Bolsheyakinskoye Rural Settlement of Zelenodolsk Municipal District, Party of Pensioners Yusupov Ruslan Rafailevich, born 1952, OOO "Bailyk No. 3", First Deputy Director, deputy of the State Council of RT, coordinator of the LDPR Regional Branch, had three previous convictions		Nom. 4 Reg. 4
Head of the Chuvash Republic	Nikolaev Oleg Alekseevich, born 1969, Head of Chuvashia, self-nominee Ilyin Vladimir Dmitrievich, born 1966, OOO "Chuvashlift", General Director, Russian Party of Pensioners Morozov Maxim Viktorovich, born 1992, OOO "Mariinsko-Posadsky Maslozavod", General Director, New People Savinov Vladimir Sergeevich, born 1985, Autonomous Non-Commercial Organisation "Bureau of Scientific Expertise", Director (Head), REP "The Greens" Stepanov Konstantin Olegovich, born 1986, deputy of the State Council of the Chuvash Republic, LDPR, participated in the 2020 elections	did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Fedorov Viktor Vasilievich, born 1963, Chuvash Republican Public Organisation for the Protection of Children and Pensioners "Nadezhda", Chairman of the Board, self-nomination	Nom. 6 Reg. 5
Governor of Kamchatka Krai	Solodov Vladimir Viktorovich, born 1982, governor, UR (in 2020 — self-nominee) Kulieva Vasilina Vasilievna, born 1981, State Duma deputy (Zabaykalsky Krai), LDPR Litvinov Roman Demyanovich, born 1967, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, CPRF Tyurin Dmitry Anatolievich, born 1973, legal adviser, Union "Self-Regulating Organisation of Builders of Kamchatka", Communists of Russia	Registration denied Bukhanov Egor Sergeevich, born 1988, OOO "Management Company 'Etalon ZhKKh'", Deputy General Director, self-nomination — insufficient number of signatures (only 14 deputy signatures instead of 43, including 12 signatures of deputies of representative bodies of municipal districts and city okrugs and two signatures of deputies of representative bodies of rural settlements), did not submit candidates for senators Didenko Alena Vladimirovna, born 1979, Krai State Unitary Enterprise "Kamchatsky Vodokanal", Specialist, self-nomination — insufficient number of signatures (only four deputy signatures instead of 43) Nikolaev Alexey Valerievich, born 1979, homemaker, self-nomination — insufficient number of signatures (only three deputy signatures instead of 43) did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Avdeev Dmitry Yurievich, born 1980, MAUK "House of Culture and Leisure 'Aprel'", Chief Director, self-nomination Kalyaev Leonid Yurievich, born 1986, Secondary School No. 10 of Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, caretaker, self-nomination Kolgina Natalya Vyacheslavovna, 24.09.1986, "Lyceum No. 46", Director, self-nomination Miroshnichenko Evgeny Sergeevich, born 1986, "Kamchatka Krai Dental Clinic", dentist-orthopaedist, self-nomination Pirozhnikov Dmitry Vladimirovich, 10.06.1987, KSUP "Kamchatsky Vodokanal", Deputy Head of the Legal Department, self-nomination Teterevkova Natalya Anatolievna, born 1969, Kamchatka Regional Branch of the "Russian Red Cross", Executive Director, deputy of the City Duma of Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, Russian Party of Pensioners	Nom. 13 Reg. 4
Head of the Administration of Krasnodar Krai	Kondratiev Veniamin Ivanovich, born 1970, governor (UR) Safronov Alexander Mikhailovich, born 1984, secretary of the CPRF krai committee, deputy of the Krasnodar City Duma, nominated in 2020 Tutushkin Ivan Gennadyevich, born 1976, Chairman of the Committee of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnodar Krai on the Fuel and Energy Complex, Transport, Road Management and Communications, (LDPR) — nominated in 2020 Khmelevskoy Denis Leonidovich, born 1981, deputy of the krai Legislative Assembly, chair of the Regional Branch Council of SR (SR) — nominated in 2020		Nom. 4 Reg. 4
Governor of Perm Krai	Makhonin Dmitry Nikolaevich, born 1982, governor, UR (in 2020 — self-nomination) Aitakova Ksenia Alekseevna, born 1982, Deputy Chair of the Legislative Assembly, CPRF. Nominated for governor in 2020. Postnikov Oleg Sergeevich, born 1965, head of the LDPR faction in the Legislative Assembly (LDPR). From 1993 to 2001 was programme director of "Radio Maximum Perm", from 2001 to 2003 general producer of MusicRadio. Later he headed "Silver Rain" radio. Nominated for governor in 2017 and 2020. Shitov Denis Borisovich, born 1987, head of the party's Regional Branch, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, since 2016 has been General Director and founder of OOO "DoubleGIS Povolzhye" (2GIS in Izhevsk, Kirov, Sarapul and Neftekamsk). (New People) Karavaeva Lyudmila Anatolievna, born 1959, Honoured Teacher of the RF, pensioner (Party of Pensioners)	Registration denied Luchnikov Vyacheslav Yurievich, born 1975, head of a charitable foundation, A Just Russia. Submitted 50 deputy signatures from 28 municipal formations (with a required minimum of 33 municipalities). 10 signatures from 9 municipal okrugs were not counted due to the establishment of facts that they had earlier affixed their signatures in support of the nomination of other candidates. Gashev Maxim Igorevich, born 1992, OOO "TK Kontur", sales manager, party "For Justice!", collected 2 signatures Gilyov Egor Vladimirovich, born 1976, OOO "Element-Trade", general salesperson, self-nomination, collected no signatures at all Dyachkov Mikhail Sergeevich, born 1981, first secretary of the krai committee, Communists of Russia, collected 4 signatures Zinin Alexander Anatolievich, born 1985, OOO "Zavod Zhelezobeton", specialist in the sales department; OOO "Arion-Perm", General Director, self-nomination, collected no signatures at all did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Zapivalov Alexander Grigorievich, born 1984, temporarily unemployed, self-nomination	Nom. 11 Reg. 5
Governor of Arkhangelsk Oblast	Tsybulsky Alexander Vitalievich, born 1979, governor (UR) Lyabikhov Roman Mikhailovich, born 1973, State Duma deputy, CPRF Sorokina Natalya Igorevna, born 1985, ANO "Agency for Regional Development", head of the centre for entrepreneurship support, Green Alternative Kharchenko Maria Borisovna, born 1991, deputy of the Arkhangelsk City Duma, LDPR Chernenko Oleg Vitalievich, born 1969, OOO "Gidroservis", Director, deputy of the Arkhangelsk Oblast Assembly, SR Buglak Alexey Vladimirovich, born 1967, Arkhangelsk Oblast Institute of Open Education, Department of Humanities Education, methodologist, Russian Party of Pensioners	did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Medvedeva Larisa Anatolievna, born 1979, individual entrepreneur, REP The Greens	Nom. 7 Reg. 6
Governor of Bryansk Oblast	Bogomaz Alexander Vasilievich, born 1961, governor (UR) Arkhitsky Andrei Georgievich, born 1968, deputy of the Bryansk Oblast Duma, first secretary of the oblast committee (CPRF) Selebin Gennady Grigorievich, born 1971, deputy of the oblast duma, Rodina Timoshkov Alexei Nikolaevich, born 1978, deputy of the oblast duma, SR		Nom. 4 Reg. 4
Governor of Irkutsk Oblast	Kobzev Igor Ivanovich, born 1966, governor, UR (in 2020 self-nomination) Levchenko Sergei Georgievich, born 1953, State Duma deputy, former governor, first secretary of the CPRF oblast committee Galitskov Viktor Vladimirovich, born 1980, First Deputy Head of Ushakovskoye Municipal Formation, LDPR Egorova Larisa Igorevna, born 1965, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, chair of the Regional Branch Council, SR	did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Gagarkin Sergei Afanasyevich, born 1960, president of GSA, self-nomination Pleskach Alexander Alekseevich, born 1974, homemaker, Cheremkhovo, self-nomination	Nom. 6 Reg. 4
Governor of Kaluga Oblast	Shapsha Vladislav Valerievich, born 1972, governor (UR) Yashkin Nikolai Ivanovich, born 1960, first secretary of the Kaluga CPRF oblast committee, director of SPK "Zherelevo" — he also ran in 2020 Oparyshev Stepan Stepanovich, born 1987, coordinator of the Obninsk branch of the LDPR, head of department of OOO "Mirostroy" (LDPR) — he also ran in 2020 Efremova Nadezhda Igorevna, born 1984, secretary of the Regional Branch of A Just Russia, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, legal adviser of OOO "FAKTOR NK" (SR) — she also ran in 2020 Rodin Ivan Alekseevich, born 1987, MBUDO "Sports School 'Kosmos'" of the city of Kaluga, Deputy Director for Sports Training, deputy of the Kaluga City Duma, Russian Party of Pensioners		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Governor of Kostroma Oblast	Sitnikov Sergei Konstantinovich, born 1963, governor (UR) Shpotin Sergei Vladimirovich, born 1974, secretary for organisational and party work of the CPRF oblast committee Kudryavtsev Yuri Petrovich, born 1961, Department of Culture of Kostroma Oblast, Deputy Director — Head of the Department for Archives, Russian Party of Pensioners Mindolin Yuri Alekseevich, born 1961, pensioner, Duma of the Urban Okrug of Volgorechensk, LDPR Tsvil Nikolai Vladimirovich, born 1986, deputy of the oblast duma, SR		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Governor of Kursk Oblast	Khinstein Alexander Evseevich, born 1974, acting governor, UR Baev Gennady Alexandrovich, born 1971, deputy of the oblast duma, SR Bobovnikov Alexei Nikolaevich, born 1971, secretary for the protest movement and work with public organisations of the CPRF oblast committee, deputy of the oblast duma Tomanov Alexei Yurievich, born 1981, deputy of the oblast duma, LDPR		Nom. 4 Reg. 4
Governor of Leningrad Oblast	Drozdenko Alexander Yurievich, born 1964, governor (UR) Lebedev Andrei Yaroslavovich, born 1962, head of the LDPR faction in the oblast Legislative Assembly (LDPR) — he also ran in 2020 Novikov Igor Anatolievich, born 1972, OOO "VK 'Ladoga'", Deputy Head of the Legal Department, deputy of the Magadan Oblast Duma, SR (previously, for many years, head of the SR Regional Branch in Magadan) Lisovsky Sergei Anatolievich, born 1965, individual entrepreneur, REP "The Greens" Malinkovich Sergei Alexandrovich, born 1975, chair of the Central Committee of the party Communists of Russia, deputy of the Legislative Assembly of Altai Krai	Registration denied Mukhina Larisa Valentinovna, born 1972, individual entrepreneur, deputy of the Council of Deputies of the Koltushskoye Urban Settlement of Vsevolozhsk Municipal District of Leningrad Oblast, CPRF — insufficient number of signatures (44 signatures of deputies of representative bodies of municipal formations of Leningrad Oblast, with a minimum of 144). did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Vishnevsky Maxim Anatolievich, born 1965, chair of the board of TSN "Zaozernoe", Civic Initiative Perov Viktor Nikolaevich, born 1976, temporarily unemployed, Party of Social Protection	Nom. 9 Reg. 5
Governor of Novgorod Oblast	Dronov Alexander Valentinovich, born 1979, acting governor, United Russia Efimova Olga Anatolievna, born 1970, first secretary of the CPRF oblast committee Zakharov Nikolai Ivanovich, born 1954, deputy of the oblast duma, Russian Party of Pensioners Chursinov Alexei Borisovich, born 1976, chairman of the oblast duma committee for construction, housing and utilities, fuel and energy complex and infrastructure development, LDPR Shvabovich Nikolai Alexandrovich, born 1988, Benefit LLC, general director, deputy of the Duma of Veliky Novgorod, A Just Russia	Registration denied Yakovleva Tatiana Sergeevna, born 27.02.1981, ANO “School of Health and Beauty” general director, “Green Alternative” — insufficient number of deputies’ signatures (50 instead of the minimum of 89) Shalyakin Viktor Vladimirovich, born 1959, pensioner, RODP “Yabloko” — insufficient number of deputies’ signatures (5 instead of the minimum of 89)	Nom. 7 Reg. 5
Governor of Orenburg Oblast	Solntsev Evgeny Alexandrovich, born 1980, acting governor, United Russia Baturin Denis Dmitrievich, born 1974, REGION BEZOPASNOST LLC, chief engineer, deputy of the Orenburg City Council, CPRF Nabatchikova Oksana Valerievna, born 1972, adviser to the party chairman, A Just Russia Salikhova Karina Rimovna, born 1991, director of the ANO for the promotion of intra-family relations “Federation of Wise Parents”, “New People” Gafarov Ramil Rafailovich, born 1954, pensioner, “Communists of Russia”		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Governor of Rostov Oblast	Slyusar Yuri Borisovich, born 1974, acting governor, United Russia Bessonov Evgeny Ivanovich, born 1968, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation (CPRF) Kosinov Sergei Alexandrovich, born 1960, chairman of the Council of the A Just Russia regional branch, head of the public reception office in Rostov Oblast of Party Chairman S.M. Mironov, former deputy of the Legislative Assembly Frash Denis Vladimirovich, born 1976, Alliance Service LLC, development director, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, LDPR Klimchenko Yuri Alexandrovich, born 1958, pensioner, “Russian Party of Pensioners”		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Governor of Sverdlovsk Oblast	Pasler Denis Vladimirovich, born 1978, acting governor, United Russia Ivachev Alexander Nikolaevich, born 1987, deputy chairman of the Legislative Assembly, first secretary of the CPRF oblast committee Kaptyug Alexander Nikolaevich, born 1978, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, LDPR Kraev Rant Karoevich, born 1995, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, “New People” Kuznetsov Andrei Anatolievich, born 1972, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, A Just Russia	Registration denied Sadikhov Dinamudin Aslanovich, born 1982, editor-in-chief of the Information Agency “KONTROL”, “Civic Initiative” — submitted only one signature Did not submit documents for registration: Volkov Ivan Pavlovich, born 1978, general director of YURLIGA-SLUZHBA ZAKAZCHIKA LLC, “Russian All-People’s Union” — the oblast election commission adopted a resolution “On refusal of registration”, although in reality the candidate did not submit documents for registration at all withdrew candidacy (cancellation of nomination): Naumov Stanislav Alexandrovich, born 1972, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, LDPR	Nom. 8 Reg. 5
Head of Tambov Oblast	Pervyshov Evgeny Alexeevich, born 1976, acting Head, United Russia Zhidkov Andrei Igorevich, born 1962, first secretary of the CPRF oblast committee, deputy of the oblast duma (CPRF) – participated in previous elections Plotnikov Pavel Vladimirovich, born 1972, chairman of the Council of the A Just Russia regional branch, deputy of the oblast duma (A Just Russia) – participated in previous elections Morozov Oleg Vinarevich, born 1962, deputy of the oblast duma, LDPR Semiletova Elena Vyacheslavovna, born 1980, general director of Tambovskaya Okonnaya Kompaniya LLC, “New People”		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Governor of the City of Sevastopol	Razvozhaev Mikhail Vladimirovich, born 1980, governor (“United Russia”), Zhuravlev Ilya Grigorievich, born 1971, deputy chairman of the Legislative Assembly of Sevastopol, LDPR – ran in 2020 Kushnir Gennady Grigorievich, born 1955, general director of the Greco-Panamanian Sevastopol crewing company “Marin Management Shipping” LLC, CPRF Kruglov Sergei Andreevich, born 1955, manager of the organisation Regional Charitable Public Organisation for the Promotion of Socio-Economic Development of Sevastopol “We Are Sevastopol Residents”, A Just Russia Salina Irina Viktorovna, born 1983, general director of DIABUKH LLC, “New People”		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Governor of the Jewish Autonomous Oblast	Kostyuk Maria Fedorovna, born 1977, acting governor, United Russia Shcherbina Alexander Anatolievich, born 1956, third secretary of the Birobidzhan city committee of the CPRF, deputy of the City Duma of Birobidzhan Gladkikh Vasily Nikolaevich, born 1964, deputy of the Legislative Assembly, LDPR Krupsky Alexander Alexeevich, born 1952, pensioner, “Communists of Russia”, ran in 2020 Potapenko Vladimir Evgenievich, born 1977, individual entrepreneur, “New People”	Registration denied Antropenkov Sergei Andreevich, born 1988, temporarily unemployed, “Rodina” – insufficient number of deputies’ signatures (6 instead of the minimum of 27) Voroshilova Elena Alexandrovna, born 1970, director of the OGBU “Integrated Centre for Social Services of the Jewish Autonomous Oblast”, Russian Party of Pensioners – insufficient number of deputies’ signatures (6 instead of the minimum of 27) did not submit the necessary documents for registration: Vedernikov Dmitry Anatolievich, born 1973, FGKU “Wholesale Base No. 25”, 3rd-grade guard, REP “The Greens” Vladimir Nikolaevich Dudin, born 1955, deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the JAO (“A Just Russia”), ran in 2020 – a resolution on refusal was adopted, although in reality he did not submit documents	Nom. 9 Reg. 5
TOTAL			Nom. 134 Reg. 95

 

2. The situation in elections of deputies of regional parliaments by party lists

 

In 2020, in elections to legislative assemblies in these same 11 regions, 125 lists were nominated (11.4 per region), and 93 were registered (8.45 per region) — these were the best figures for the 2016–2020 period and close to the level of 2015. This time, only 74 lists were nominated (6.72 per region on average), and 71 were registered (6.45 per region on average).

Thus, party activity has sharply declined over five years, in parallel with the overall reduction in the number of parties.

In the 2000s of “managed party system” and constant reduction in the number of parties, before the 2012 reform, the maximum number of lists on the ballot was in March 2006 — 8.1 per region. After the sharp reduction in the number of registered parties in 2007–2011, elections of deputies of legislative assemblies usually had 4–5 lists on the ballot (see Table 2).

Table 2. Comparative data on the number of nominated and registered party lists in regional elections from December 2003 to December 2011

Election date	Lists nominated (by number of those who submitted documents to the election commission for certification)	Lists on the ballot on election day	Dropout between nomination and voting day	Average number of lists on the ballot per region
7 December 2003	63	47	16 (25.4%)	6.71
14 March 2004	54	43	11 (20.37%)	7.17
September 2004 – May 2005	155	134	21 (13.54%)	7.05
second half of 2005	111	74	37 (33.3%)	6.17
12 March 2006	83	65	18 (21.69%)	8.13
8 October 2006	80	71	9 (11.2%)	7.9
3 December 2006 (elections to the Legislative Assembly of Perm Krai)	10	8	2 (20%)	8
11 March 2007	135	91	44 (33%)	6.5
15 April 2007 (elections to the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai)	13	7	6 (46.15%)	7
2 December 2007	64	42 [1]	22 (34.38%)	4.67
2 March 2008	65	54	11 (16.9%)	4.9
12 October 2008	35	26	9 (25.7%)	5.2
1 March 2009	44	39	5 (11.36%)	4.33
11 October 2009	18	18	-	6
14 March 2010	42	37	5 (11.9%)	4.63
10 October 2010	33	31	2 (6.06%)	5.17
13 March 2011	60	56	4 (6.67%)	4.67
4 December 2011	146	134	12 (8.22%)	4.96

 

After the protests of 2011–2012 and the concentration of protest against the few remaining parties, the electoral strategy shifted to registering the largest possible number of parties that differed little from one another, which were supposed to fragment the protest votes. As a result, in the elections of September 2013, the formal number of nominated and registered party lists in regional elections became the largest in the entire modern history of Russia since the mandatory introduction of a proportional component in regional elections.

As already noted, the entry onto the political arena of new political projects (other than political-technological and spoiler ones) that posed a real electoral threat stimulated the authorities and the “old systemic” opposition to reach a new agreement. As a result, in May 2014, the rules for registering party lists and candidates were sharply tightened. This made the existence of many new parties pointless due to the de facto impossibility of participating in elections. Already from September 2014, the level of formal political competition declined by almost half compared to the 2013 level. It was at its lowest in 2018–2019.

The new rise in the level of formal competition in the September 2020 elections appears to have been caused by a number of factors:

• the active participation in elections of new parties registered in spring 2020 and their attempts to achieve a “success story” and the right to register a list for the State Duma without collecting signatures (eight lists from the party “For Truth”, six lists from the party “New People”, four lists from the Party of Direct Democracy and two lists from the party “Green Alternative”, totalling 20 lists out of 125 — almost one sixth);
• the approaching 2021 State Duma elections and the desire not only of new but also of other political parties that had retained their legal status to remind people of their existence, strengthen their regional network, and possibly obtain a registration benefit;
• the federal centre’s desire, amid growing protest sentiment, to stimulate, as far as possible, greater dispersal of protest votes.

Now, however, the system’s tasks are entirely different:

• to prevent a new political activation of citizens (new projects increase unpredictability and may provoke a rise in interest in political life). The participation of new political projects in elections may attract new groups of voters to the elections, thereby lowering the final percentage of the party of power given the stable size of the administratively dependent and conformist-minded electorate;
• amid an overall reduction in the number of votes in support of the parliamentary opposition, to help them retain their place in the political system and avoid new systemic distortions.

Table 3. Comparative data on the number of nominated and registered party lists in regional elections in 2012–2024

Lists nominated for Legislative Assemblies

Registered

October 2012: 83 lists (13.83 per region) September 2013: 306 (19.1 per region) September 2014: 118 (10.72 per region) September 2015: 141 (12.8 per region) September 2016: 369 (9.46 per region) September 2017: 57 (9.5 per region) September 2018: 139 lists (8.7 per region) September 2019: 111 lists (9.3 per region) September 2020: 125 lists (11.4 per region) September 2021: 324 lists (8.3 per region) September 2022: 48 lists (8 per region) September 2023: 113 lists (7.1 per region) September 2024: 76 lists (6.3 per region)

October 2012: 79 (13.17 per region) September 2013: 275 (17.18 per region) September 2014: 92 (8.36 per region) September 2015: 86 (7.8 per region) September 2016: 269 (6.9 per region) September 2017: 45 (7.5 per region) September 2018: 103 (6.44 per region) September 2019: 78 (6.5 per region) September 2020: 93 (8.45 per region) September 2021: 275 (7.1 per region) September 2022: 40 (6.7 per region) September 2023: 103 (6.4 per region) September 2024: 74 lists (6.2 per region)

 

The dropout rate between nomination and registration is formally extremely low — 4% (the dropout between nominated and registered party lists in elections of deputies of legislative assemblies in 2020 was 25.7%). However, this is merely a consequence of the fact that parties that need to collect signatures have almost ceased participating in elections.

In 2020, in these 11 regions, parties attempted to register 71 lists by signature. 39 were registered (i.e. 45% dropped out). 13 submitted documents for registration and were refused. 19 lists either did not submit documents for registration or were refused certification. Those registered then were mainly lists of new parties — “New People”, “For Truth”, “Green Alternative”.

This time, only six lists initially collected signatures (8.5 times fewer), of which two dropped out without submitting signatures (“Rodina” in Kaluga and Kostroma Oblasts), and only three lists submitted signatures and were registered on that basis (Party of Pensioners in Kaluga Oblast and REP “The Greens” in Ryazan Oblast, “Communists of Russia” in Belgorod Oblast). The fate of the Party of Social Protection in Kostroma Oblast remains unclear.

A similar picture was seen in 2024: dropout was minimal (3%), but among parties without a benefit, dropout then was 50%. Dropout in the 2012 elections was 2.4%, in 2013 — 10.5%, in 2014 it rose sharply to 22.03%, reaching a peak in 2015 of 39% (the previous record, 34%, was set in the elections of 2 December 2007). Then in 2016 dropout was 27.1%, in 2017 — 21%, in 2018 — 26%, in 2019 — 30%.

A registration benefit (exemption from collecting signatures) in all elections of deputies of regional parliaments in 2025 is held by five parties represented in the State Duma of the Russian Federation (United Russia, CPRF, LDPR, A Just Russia, “New People”); other parties that received more than 3% of the vote in the last State Duma elections could also have it (but there are none).

In addition, in individual regions, the following parties additionally have a registration benefit in elections of regional parliaments:

• those that received at least 3% of the vote in the last analogous elections;
• those whose lists, based on the results of the last elections to representative bodies of municipal formations in the given region, were admitted to the distribution of deputy mandates in at least one instance;
• those whose lists in the last elections to representative bodies of municipal formations in the given region received, in total, at least 0.5% of the total number of voters registered on the territory of the region.

In this campaign, in the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, only the five parliamentary parties have a benefit. In the remaining regions, between six and nine parties have a benefit. The maximum number of “beneficiaries” was in the Republic of Komi — nine (see Table 4).

Table 4. Parties with registration benefits in elections of deputies of regional parliaments on 14.09.2025 in individual regions

Region	Total number of parties with a benefit	Parties with a benefit (in addition to those represented in the State Duma of the Russian Federation)
Republic of Komi	9	“Communists of Russia”, “Rodina”, “Green Alternative”, Russian Party of Freedom and Justice
Belgorod Oblast	8	“Communists of Russia”, Russian Party of Pensioners, Cossack Party of the Russian Federation
Voronezh Oblast	6	“Rodina”
Kaluga Oblast	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Kostroma Oblast	7	“Communists of Russia”, Russian Party of Pensioners
Kurgan Oblast	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Magadan Oblast	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Novosibirsk Oblast	8	“Rodina”, Russian Party of Pensioners, REP “The Greens”
Ryazan Oblast	7	“Communists of Russia”, Russian Party of Pensioners
Chelyabinsk Oblast	7	Russian Party of Pensioners, “Green Alternative”
Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug	5	—

 

Based on the results of nomination and registration, the most competitive campaigns by party lists were in the Republic of Komi and Kostroma Oblast (nine lists each), followed by Novosibirsk and Ryazan Oblasts (eight each). The fewest lists are in Yamal (four) and in Magadan Oblast (five).

The only significant scandal during list registration occurred in Kostroma Oblast with the registration of the list of the Party of Social Protection, which is headed by Vladimir Mikhailov, a popular deputy of the Kostroma Oblast Duma and entrepreneur who has previously changed many parties, from United Russia to Yabloko. If it entered the Kostroma Oblast Duma, the party could obtain a benefit for participation in elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

Initially, on 27 June 2025, the list of the Party of Social Protection was refused certification. In particular, the complaint was that the ballot at the conference indicated “Parfyonova Natal Ya Vitalievna”, while the submitted documents showed “Parfyonova Natal I ya Vitalievna”. In the commission’s opinion, the indicated circumstances attested to the conduct of a secret ballot on the nomination of a different list of candidates, differing from the list submitted to the Election Commission. The list was certified on the second attempt, on 4 July 2025.

When, after this, the party collected signatures and submitted them to the election commission, it was already refused registration by a resolution of 28 July. The grounds were that, according to the commission’s data, Anna Vladimirovna Kochkina and Svetlana Alexandrovna Ivanova, nominated on the list, are members of the United Russia party and are subject to exclusion from the list of candidates. Also, according to the commission’s data, 17 people who had not formalised their exit from United Russia took part in the conference of the party’s regional branch on 2 July 2025 (from the Zavolzhsky district of the city of Kostroma, 20 people took part, of whom seven were members of United Russia; from the Central district of the city of Kostroma, 34 took part, of whom four were members of United Russia; from the Fabrichny district of the city of Kostroma, 26 took part, of whom six were members of United Russia). This entailed the lack of a quorum for the said general meetings of local branches of the political party in Kostroma Oblast, and consequently for the conference held on 2 July 2025.

On 5 August, the Kostroma Oblast Court partially granted the claim of the Party of Social Protection (PSP), ordering the oblast election commission to register the party’s list for the elections to the Kostroma Oblast Duma. PSP representatives argued in court that the participants in the meetings to nominate delegates to the conference had long since left the party of power and lost their connection with it. To verify this, the court brought United Russia into the proceedings as a third party and even requested from it documents confirming the connection of the mentioned delegates with the party.

At the same time, in an analogous case concerning the removal from the elections of two of the party’s candidates in single-mandate districts (Vladimir Mikhailov and Maxim Postnikov), another judge of the same Kostroma Oblast Court sided with the oblast election commission and refused to reinstate the candidates. At present, both cases, concerning the list and the single-mandate candidates, are being considered in the appellate instance.

Of the five parliamentary parties, four (United Russia, CPRF, A Just Russia and LDPR) nominated lists in all 11 regions. “New People” — in nine (did not nominate in Belgorod Oblast and the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug; in Belgorod Oblast in 2020 the party’s list was refused registration and no noticeable activity in the region has been observed since; in the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug there is no regional organisation).

Next in activity are the Party of Pensioners (eight lists: Komi, Belgorod, Kaluga, Kostroma, Kurgan, Novosibirsk, Ryazan, Chelyabinsk Oblasts), “Rodina” (three lists: Komi, Voronezh, Novosibirsk Oblasts), “Communists of Russia” (two lists, Komi and Ryazan Oblast). Such low activity of “Communists of Russia” in regional elections is rather a good sign for the CPRF (see Table 5).

Table 5. Results of nomination and registration of party lists in elections of deputies of legislative assemblies on 14.09.2025 by region

Body to be elected	Registered	Dropped out	Total
State Council of the Republic of Komi	CPRF United Russia LDPR A Just Russia “New People” “Communists of Russia” (benefit) “Rodina” (benefit) Russian Party of Freedom and Justice (benefit) “Green Alternative” (benefit)		Nom. 9 Reg. 9
Belgorod Oblast Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia Russian Party of Pensioners “Communists of Russia” (signatures)		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Voronezh Oblast Duma	United Russia, CPRF, LDPR A Just Russia “New People” “Rodina” (benefit)		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Legislative Assembly of Kaluga Oblast	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia “New People” Russian Party of Pensioners for Social Justice (signatures)	“Rodina” did not submit documents for registration	Nom. 7 Reg. 6
Kostroma Oblast Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia “New People” “Communists of Russia” (benefit) Russian Party of Pensioners (benefit)	“Rodina” did not submit documents for registration Party of Social Protection: on 5 August 2025, the Kostroma Oblast Court ordered the election commission to register the list of candidates of the Party of Social Protection – an appeal has been filed	Nom. 9 Reg. 7 (8 with PSP)
Kurgan Oblast Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia “New People” Russian Party of Pensioners (benefit)		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Magadan Oblast Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia “New People”		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Legislative Assembly of Novosibirsk Oblast	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia “New People” “Rodina” (benefit) REP “The Greens” (benefit) Russian Party of Pensioners (benefit)		Nom. 8 Reg. 8
Ryazan Oblast Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia “New People” Communists of Russia (benefit) Russian Party of Pensioners (benefit) REP “The Greens” (signatures)		Nom. 8 Reg. 8
Legislative Assembly of Chelyabinsk Oblast	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Russian Party of Pensioners (benefit)		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Legislative Assembly of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia		Nom. 4 Reg. 4
Total	Nom. 74 Reg. 71

 

3. The situation in elections of deputies of representative bodies of power of administrative centres of regions by party lists

 

In elections to 15 city councils of administrative centres of regions using the proportional system, 101 lists were nominated (6.73 per city), and 91 were registered (6.06 per city on average).

In 2020, in 14 cities, 116 lists were nominated (8.28 per city on average), and 99 were registered (7.07 per city on average). Compared to 2020, Syktyvkar dropped out of the list of cities with party lists, while Stavropol (due to early elections) and Makhachkala (due to the transition to direct elections instead of indirect two-stage elections through district assemblies) were added.

However, although the number of regional centres with party-list elections increased by one over five years, even in absolute figures the number of lists has decreased. Thus, the typical scenario in 2025 in these elections is: the parliamentary parties plus one list from all the other parties. In theory, the reduction in the number of parties on the ballot should reduce vote splitting and increase the chances of the parliamentary parties of entering the city councils.

Dropout between nomination and registration in 2020 was 14.7%, and in 2025 — 10%.

All lists that had a registration benefit and submitted documents were registered — just as in the elections of legislative assemblies.

Under current legislation, a registration benefit in the form of exemption from collecting signatures in all elections of representative bodies of municipal formations is held by five parties represented in the State Duma under the proportional system and that received at least 3% in the last State Duma elections (United Russia, CPRF, LDPR, A Just Russia, “New People”). In addition, in individual municipal formations, two categories of parties have a benefit in elections:

• parties admitted to the distribution of mandates or that received at least 3% of the vote in the last elections to the parliament of the given region;
• parties that, in the last elections to the representative body of the given municipal formation, got at least one deputy elected (regardless of whether by list or by majoritarian district, and regardless of whether in main or supplementary elections). In elections of deputies of the representative body of a settlement that is part of a municipal district, a benefit is also held by parties if a candidate nominated by the political party and elected as a deputy of the representative body of at least one settlement that is part of that municipal district has been elected from among that settlement’s representative body as a deputy of the representative body of that municipal district.

Table 6. Political parties whose nomination of candidates or lists of candidates does not require the collection of voters’ signatures in elections of deputies of representative bodies of municipal formations in constituent entities of the Russian Federation (data from the CEC of the Russian Federation)

City	Total number of parties with a benefit	Parties with a benefit (in addition to those represented in the State Duma of the Russian Federation)
Makhachkala	11	“Communists of Russia”, “Rodina”, “Yabloko”, Russian Party of Pensioners, Party of Growth, “Civic Platform”
Syktyvkar	9	“Communists of Russia”, “Rodina”, “Green Alternative”, Russian Party of Freedom and Justice
Kazan	8	“Communists of Russia”, Russian Party of Pensioners, Party of Growth
Izhevsk	7	“Rodina”, “Green Alternative”
Cheboksary	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Krasnodar	10	Russian Party of Pensioners, Party of Growth, Civic Platform, REP "The Greens", Party of Social Protection
Stavropol	7	Communists of Russia, Rodina
Astrakhan	7	Russian Party of Pensioners, Rodina
Vladimir	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Voronezh	6	Rodina
Ivanovo	8	Communists of Russia, Russian Party of Pensioners, Rodina
Kaluga	7	RUSDP Yabloko, Russian Party of Pensioners
Kostroma	8	Communists of Russia, Russian Party of Pensioners, Party of Social Protection
Lipetsk	7	Communists of Russia, Russian Party of Pensioners
Magadan	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Nizhny Novgorod	8	Russian Party of Pensioners, Party of Growth, Party of the Revival of Russia
Novosibirsk	8	Russian Party of Pensioners, Rodina, REP "The Greens"
Orenburg	7	Russian Party of Pensioners, Party of the Revival of Russia
Oryol	6	Russian Party of Pensioners
Rostov-on-Don	8	Russian Party of Pensioners, Communists of Russia, Yabloko
Samara	10	Communists of Russia, Russian Party of Pensioners, Rodina, RUSDP Yabloko, REP "The Greens"
Smolensk	7	Communists of Russia, Russian Party of Pensioners
Tambov	7	Rodina, Party of Growth
Tomsk	7	RUSDP Yabloko, Party of Growth
Ulyanovsk	6	Communists of Russia

 

The share of those with exemptions was 85 (84%); 16 were required to collect signatures. Of those, eight did not submit signatures at all, one list was refused following the verification of signatures (Yabloko in Ivanovo), and seven were registered (of those seven, five were in Cheboksary), i.e. fewer than half of those that collected signatures.

It is Cheboksary that has the highest level of competition: all 11 lists were registered (incidentally, in 2020 the ballot here also had 11 lists). Seven lists were registered in Kaluga; in all other cities the number ranges from 5 to 6.

The five parliamentary parties are represented in the elections to all 15 city councils. They are followed by the Russian Party of Pensioners (four cities — Cheboksary, Kaluga, Oryol, Smolensk) (see Table 7).

Table 7. Results of the nomination and registration of party lists in the elections of deputies

of representative bodies of power in administrative centres on 14 September 2025

Body to be elected	Registered	Withdrew	Total
Assembly of Deputies of the city of Makhachkala	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Kazan City Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People		Nom. 6 Reg. 5
City Duma of Izhevsk	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People	Rodina and REP "The Greens" did not submit signatures	Nom. 7 Reg. 5
Cheboksary City Assembly of Deputies	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Russian Party of Pensioners (exemption) Communists of Russia (signatures) Party of Social Protection (signatures) Civic Platform (signatures) Rodina (signatures) REP "The Greens" (signatures)		Nom. 11 Reg. 11
City Duma of Krasnodar	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People	Rodina — did not submit signatures	Nom. 6 Reg. 5
Stavropol City Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People		Nom. 5 Reg. 5
Voronezh City Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Rodina (exemption)	RUSDP Yabloko — submitted the first financial report, but signature sheets were not submitted.	Nom. 7 Reg. 6
Ivanovo City Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Communists of Russia (exemption)	RUSDP Yabloko — refused following verification of signatures. 1,478 signatures were submitted (1,471 required for registration); the working group deemed 226 voter signatures invalid. The number of voter signatures deemed valid is 1,252, which is insufficient for registration. Deficiencies were also identified in the documents submitted (the information on the status in the statement of the list leader A. Avtoneev is not confirmed by the submitted certificate of membership and status in the party; the candidates' documents were not certified by the authorised person; the information on the primary place of employment of A. Strelnikov is not confirmed by the submitted entry sheet from the Unified State Register of Individual Entrepreneurs). Furthermore, during the nomination the secret ballot procedure was not properly conducted, specifically — the ballot box was not sealed; during the actual voting the members of the Bureau did not withdraw to a voting booth or other room to ensure the "secrecy" of the vote, and made marks on the ballot in each other's presence while sitting at the same table. These facts are confirmed by video footage and information on attendance at the candidate nomination event. REP "The Greens" — did not submit signatures	Nom. 8 Reg. 6
City Duma of Kaluga	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Russian Party of Pensioners (exemption) REP "The Greens" (signatures)		Nom. 7 Reg. 7
Orenburg City Council	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Communists of Russia (signatures) 2,384 signatures were submitted. 26 of them were deemed unreliable and invalid, but the total number of reliable signatures is nevertheless sufficient to take a decision on registration		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Oryol City Council of People's Deputies	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Russian Party of Pensioners (exemption)		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Rostov-on-Don City Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Communists of Russia (exemption)	Rodina — did not submit documents for registration	Nom. 7 Reg. 6
Smolensk City Council	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Russian Party of Pensioners (exemption)		Nom. 6 Reg. 6
Tambov City Duma	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Rodina (exemption)	RUSDP Yabloko — did not submit documents for registration	Nom. 7 Reg. 6
Duma of the city of Tomsk	United Russia CPRF LDPR A Just Russia New People Yabloko (exemption)	Rodina did not submit voter signatures in its support. In addition, the corresponding electoral fund was not created. The list was headed by Yevgeny Krotov, a pensioner of the prosecution authorities.	Nom. 7 Reg. 6
Total	Nom. 101 Reg. 91

 

4. THE SITUATION WITH THE REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES IN MAJORITARIAN DISTRICTS FOR THE MOST SIGNIFICANT ELECTIONS

 

The situation with the nomination and registration of candidates in majoritarian districts also shows the dominance of candidates from parties with registration exemptions and the washing out of independent candidates and candidates from parties without exemptions.

In the legislative assembly elections, parliamentary parties account for 1,049 of the 1,239 registered candidates in majoritarian districts, or 84.7%; registered independent candidates account for 1.13% of all district candidates. In the elections for the majoritarian portion of the city councils of regional centres, parliamentary parties account for 3,214 of the 3,782 registered candidates in districts, or 84.98%. Registered independent candidates account for just 3.5% of all district candidates (the picture here is slightly better than in the legislative assemblies, since the districts themselves are smaller in size and fewer signatures are required).

The dropout rate between nominated and registered candidates in the legislative assembly elections by district is, on the whole, only 4% (among independent candidates, 58%); in the elections for the city councils of the administrative centres of regions, the dropout rate between nominated and registered candidates is, on the whole, 6% (among independents, 53%). These figures indicate that politically active citizens who are not members of parliamentary parties are increasingly either avoiding politics and elections (apparently believing that they will not be allowed to participate in elections anyway), or are initially deprived of their rights (cases under anti-extremist legislation, foreign agent status, etc., lead to a ban on participation in elections).

In the legislative assembly elections, the highest level of competition in majoritarian districts was found in the Komi Republic and Chelyabinsk Oblast, and the lowest in Magadan and Belgorod Oblasts. In the city council elections, the highest level of competition by district is in Syktyvkar and Cheboksary, and the lowest in Magadan (see Tables 8–11).

Table 8. Nomination and registration of candidates in majoritarian districts in the elections of deputies of legislative assemblies of regions on 14 September 2025

Region	Number of districts	Average registered per district	Total nominated	Total registered	Nominated Independents	Registered independents
Komi Republic	15	7.6	122	114	2	-
Belgorod Oblast	25	3.88	99	97	3	1
Voronezh Oblast	28	5.29	155	148	2	-
Kaluga Oblast	20	5.3	108	106	1	-
Kostroma Oblast	25	5.4	139	135	-	-
Kurgan Oblast	17	4.94	88	84	2	-
Magadan Oblast	10	3.7	37	37	-	-
Novosibirsk Oblast	38	5.26	214	200	9	1
Ryazan Oblast	20	5.4	111	108	-	-
Chelyabinsk Oblast	30	8	168	160	3	1
Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug	11	4.54	50	50	11	11
TOTAL	239	5.18	1291	1239	33	14

 

Table 9. Nomination and registration of candidates in majoritarian districts in the elections of deputies of city councils of regional centres on 14 September 2025

City	Number of districts	Average registered per district	Total nominated	Total registered	Nominated Independents	Registered independents
Syktyvkar	30	7.96	257	239	38	24
Kazan	25	5.84	160	146	18	5
Izhevsk	25	4.84	129	121	7	-
Cheboksary	21	7.95	181	167	13	5
Krasnodar	39	5.13	220	200	23	12
Stavropol	26	5.15	136	134	8	8
Astrakhan	36	4.8	165	154	3	-
Vladimir	25	5.9	154	147	6	-
Voronezh	24	5.45	148	131	17	7
Ivanovo	20	5.9	122	118	2	1
Kaluga	26	4.73	134	123	8	3
Kostroma	35	4.91	176	172	4	3
Lipetsk	36	4.97	184	179	3	2
Magadan	21	3.8	81	80	4	4
Nizhny Novgorod	39	7.51	242	227	7	-
Novosibirsk	50	5.86	313	293	44	26
Orenburg	20	5.85	125	117	6	-
Oryol	28	5.57	165	156	17	14
Rostov-on-Don	30	5	163	150	9	2
Samara	37	5	193	185	8	2
Smolensk	20	5.7	116	114	1	-
Tambov	18	5.33	97	96	-	-
Tomsk	27	4.77	135	129	5	1
Ulyanovsk	40	5.1	225	204	31	14
TOTAL	698	5.41	4021	3782	282	133

 

Table 10. Distribution of nominated and registered candidates in majoritarian districts in the elections of deputies of legislative assemblies of regions by party in the elections of 14 September 2025

 

	Candidates nominated	Candidates registered	Candidates registered as of 19 September 2025
United Russia	237	236	236
LDPR	228	223	221
CPRF	220	214	213
A Just Russia — For Truth	206	201	199
New People	178	175	174
Party of Pensioners	105	102	102
RPP Rodina	43	41	40
Green Alternative	12	12	10
Communists of Russia	12	12	12
Russian Party of Freedom and Justice	10	9	9
RUSDP Yabloko	5
Party of Social Protection	2
Independent	33	14	14
TOTAL CANDIDATES	1291	1239	1230

 

Table 11. Distribution of nominated and registered candidates in majoritarian districts in the elections of deputies of city councils of regional centres by party in the elections of 14 September 2025

 

	Candidates nominated	Candidates registered	Candidates registered as of 19 September 2025
United Russia	685	678	678
LDPR	658	647	644
A Just Russia — For Truth	645	628	624
New People	642	636	635
CPRF	639	625	624
Party of Pensioners	208	203	202
Communists of Russia	114	109	108
RPP Rodina	59	49	48
Russian Party of Freedom and Justice	26	26	26
Green Alternative	24	23	23
RUSDP Yabloko	20	9	9
Party of Social Protection	13	10	10
REP "The Greens"	1	1	1
Civic Platform	5	5	5
Independent	282	133	131
TOTAL CANDIDATES	4021	3782	3768

 

The leadership of the parliamentary parties in terms of the number of candidates is obvious, although in the nominations by district for the city councils of administrative centres the CPRF dropped to fifth place in terms of the number of candidates. The LDPR is in second place in both the legislative assembly elections and the city council elections.

In the elections to both the legislative assemblies and the city councils, the Party of Pensioners is in sixth place by number of candidates, by a wide margin behind the parliamentary parties; in the legislative assembly elections Rodina was in seventh place, and in the city council elections — Communists of Russia. All other parties nominated substantially fewer candidates.

 

Prepared by A. Kynev, Candidate of Political Sciences

The original report is posted at the link

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